Even though most Filipinos living today don’t remember what those days were – half of the country’s population was under 8 when Marcos’ parents were ousted – I certainly do. Those were days of wine and roses and almost unprecedented kleptocracy: many of Imelda’s infamous 3,000 shoe collection are reportedly now in a Manila museum.
The stories of the Marcos family’s extravagance and corruption are legendary, and as a former journalist from the region, I have my fair share. In October 1976, the IMF / World Bank held its annual meeting in Manila. To prepare, the Marcos have designed an almost unprecedented building boom: 14 new hotels of international class in just as many months. At the ribbon-cutting ceremony for the 700-room Plaza Hotel, 2,000 guests were greeted by tables moaning under appetizers.
Friends and relatives of the family owned these hotels, most of them built with government capital that did not go to the priorities of the most desperately impoverished Philippines.
Meanwhile, the Philippines had received a grant from the World Bank to rebuild parts of the nearby Tondo slum in Manila, one of the worst in Asia. These funds had disappeared and Robert McNamara, former US Secretary of Defense and then head of the World Bank, was on his way to town.
Imelda, governor of the Manila metro, simply ordered the demolition and paving of the slum, with 60 families transported to vacant land 20 miles from the capital, where they had been dumped in a large field.
Despite everything, Bongbong had a spoiled and golden upbringing. Imelda – who is now 92 – still supports her child’s ambitions firmly, albeit lately in silence. Dindo Manhit, CEO of the Stratbase ADR Institute, a major political think tank in the Philippines, told me that Imelda has “disappeared from the public”.
How is another Marcos possible in this democracy that Filipinos struggled to maintain, even 40 years ago, when I started reporting on his politics as Southeast Asia office head for the New York Times. The nation was formed in 1946 after independence from the United States which liberated it from brutal Japanese rule during World War II.
This time around, at least, Bongbong and his crew seem to be taking a few pages straight from Donald Trump’s MAGA playbook. “It’s the rise of social media,” Manhit told me during our phone conversation from Manila. “In the Philippines the second source of information – after television, more than any newspaper, more than radio – is Facebook and YouTube,” she said.
“It’s one-sided propaganda,” Manhit added, and whenever the media tries to paint Bongbong’s comments as outlandish, his supporters simply label this “fake news.” Sound familiar?
That the venal and violent years of Bongbong’s parents’ reign were anything but happy times filled with prosperity, law and order is simply screamed as false.
Bongbong attempted to ensure that his family – who under parents Ferdinand and Imelda ruled for 21 brutal and corrupt years from 1965 to 1986 – now return to power by tying tightly to the still much admired Duterte, exploiting the president’s daughter Sarah as his running mate for the vice presidency.
Some critical questions remain. How much of this tilt away from China is for the show? Most importantly, the Biden administration would tolerate the same level of Marcos-style abuse or excess as a succession of American presidents during the two decades that his parents were in power and that lasted throughout the Vietnam War era. ?
This allowed the United States to maintain a major air base at Clark Field in the Philippines, where I covered the arrival of thousands of displaced people in the closing days of the Vietnam War in 1975, and a naval facility in Subic Bay. American oversight of both structures ended after the end of Marcos’ rule.